Wednesday, June 28, 2017

Nemley Junior: chimp rescued from traffickers dies

An orphaned baby chimpanzee whose plight moved people around the world has died.
Nemley junior had been seized by poachers in West Africa and offered for sale but was then rescued following a BBC News investigation.
Despite dedicated care in the past few weeks, he succumbed to a series of illnesses including malaria.
A leading vet who helped care for him said that, without his mother, Nemley suffered from a "failure to thrive".
In the wild, baby chimps usually live with their mothers for at least four to five years.
During his capture, Nemley would have witnessed the killing of his mother during a poaching raid that would have seen as many as 10 adults in his family shot. The two men who were found guilty of his trafficking were released from jail 10 days ago.
Sarah Crawford, an American NGO worker who had been caring for Nemley full-time for the past three weeks, said: ''He died in my arms. He did not die alone in a cage. He really fought to stay alive. He was taking fluids until 30 minutes before he died. I am still in shock. None of us can quite believe what has happened.''
Nemley was 15 months old when he died. His body will be autopsied. ''This will give us useful information, which will be helpful to others caring for baby orphans,'' said Samouka Kane, director of the National Zoo of Abidjan, and a vet.
Infant chimpanzees are in demand as pets in wealthy homes in Asia and the Gulf states. A BBC reporter working undercover was quoted a price of $12,500 (£9,700) for Nemley.
Conservationists say that if baby chimps are rescued from traffickers, they have a poor chance of survival unless they are given intensive care right from the moment that they are liberated.
After the police operation in Ivory Coast that freed Nemley last December, based on undercover information provided by the BBC, detectives handed Nemley to wildlife officials from the Ivorian Ministry of Water and Forests.
The officials transferred him to the zoo in Ivory Coast's largest city, Abidjan, where initially he was placed in quarantine which meant that he was left alone at night.
When I saw him again last March, he seemed to have gained weight and some confidence and was evidently bonding with one of his keepers.
He was a popular addition to the zoo and when the UK's Africa minister visited the country, he was shown Nemley to highlight an example of a successful operation against animal traffickers.
But soon afterwards Nemley was placed in a cage with other chimpanzees in the hope that an older female, Kiki, would "adopt" him as she had with other young chimps.
But in the event she showed no interest in Nemley, and although a much younger female did pay him some attention, this did not amount to a proper family bonding.
While in the cage, Nemley also suffered during rough play with a slightly older male, and was injured during what might have been bullying.
One visitor spotted Nemley sitting alone and rocking backwards and forwards, a typical symptom of stress among chimpanzees.
At this stage he became ill, losing weight, becoming dehydrated and suffering from a series of illnesses.
He was removed from the cage to be given more dedicated support, including infant formula, and showed signs of recovery with a better diet and the attention of volunteers.
Video taken earlier this month showed him sitting upright but also looking far older than his one year of age and far more sluggish in his movements than is normal.
In the past few weeks, however, his decline continued.
A vet specializing in chimpanzees, Jimmy Desmond, visited Nemley. He and his wife Jenny care for rescued and abandoned chimpanzees in Liberia.
Jenny Desmond said of Nemley that "he simply never had enough good days in a row to recover and turn a corner."
"Among all Nemley's physical ailments, to me this is a 'failure to thrive' situation. He never got the intensive nurturing he needed after his confiscation."
A secret network of wildlife traffickers selling baby chimpanzees was exposed by a year-long BBC News investigation.

The plight of Nemley junior highlights not only the cruel and secret trade in infant chimpanzees but also the challenge of caring for animals that are rescued.
Ivory Coast does not have a dedicated sanctuary for chimpanzees seized from traffickers where specialist care can be given.
When Nemley was rescued, the BBC was contacted by several sanctuaries in other countries in Africa including Liberia, Uganda and Kenya offering to take him.
When we passed these offers to officials at Ivory Coast's Ministry of Water and Forests, they were declined. We were told that not only had Nemley been seized in Ivory Coast - and therefore "belonged to Ivory Coast" - but also that Abidjan zoo had the capacity and skills to care for him.
But it is evident from my visits to the zoo, and from the testimony of others familiar with it, that the institution is seriously underfunded, that its keepers resent their low pay, and that more animals are being sent to the zoo than can be properly handled.
Repairs to a large chimp enclosure have dragged on for years so that adult chimps have to be kept in cages.
Offers to help construct a specialist facility for young chimpanzees have been made repeatedly but are never acted on.
One hope among conservationists is that the death of Nemley junior will highlight the plight of infant chimps caught up in a brutal trade and that it will create new impetus for specialist care.
"Nemley's story has touched all our hearts", said one conservation worker who said she hopes that there will be a positive legacy.
At the very least, the operation to free Nemley led to the first convictions for wildlife crime in the history of Ivory Coast. Earlier this month, Ibrahima and Mohamed Traore were given six-month jail sentences and fines equivalent to $500. However after being held in prison waiting trial since last December, they have now been released.
And the international crime agency Interpol, which until now has had no funding for tackling chimp trafficking, has started to bring together detectives and officials from half a dozen countries to coordinate action in future.

Migrant crisis: Italy threatens to shut ports

Italy has threatened to stop vessels of other countries from disembarking migrants at its ports.
It comes as Italy's representative to the EU, Maurizio Massari, warned in a letter to the bloc the situation had become "unsustainable".
Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni has accused other European nations of "looking the other way".
An estimated 10,000 people are believed to have attempted the journey from North Africa in the past four days.
More than 73,000 migrants have landed in Italy this year, an increase of 14% on the same period last year.
Some 2,000 have died or are missing feared drowned, the UN's refugee agency says, the vast majority attempting the crossing from Libya.
Libya is a gateway to Europe for migrants from across sub-Saharan Africa and also from the Arabian peninsula, Egypt, Syria and Bangladesh. Many are fleeing war, poverty or persecution.
The Italian coastguard takes the lead in co-ordinating rescue operations, but many of the vessels run by non-profit groups sail under the flags of other nations - including EU countries like Germany and Malta.
An Italian government source told Reuters: "The idea of blocking humanitarian ships flying foreign flags from returning to Italian ports has been discussed.
"Italy has reached saturation point."
However, it remains unclear whether it would be legal to block rescue ships.
Rules on disembarking are governed by international law, and the EU office on migration said any changes to guidelines should give humanitarian groups time to prepare.
The European Commissioner for Immigration, Dimitri Avramopoulos, also met Italy's Mr Massari to discuss the crisis.
"Italy is right that the situation is untenable," he said, adding that the country's management of the crisis was "exemplary".
It was time for EU member states to "step up", he said, and contribute financial support to Italy if needed, along with aid to African nations like Libya to reduce the numbers of people leaving - a promise made in February.
"Now is the moment to deliver, and we will hold them to this," the commissioner said.
"In everything we do, we all have a humanitarian obligation to save lives... we cannot leave a handful of EU countries on their own to deal with this."
Italy's warning follows a poor showing by the centre-right Democratic Party in local elections at the weekend, losing out to the anti-immigration messages of Forza Italia and the Northern League.
It is not the first time that ships belonging to NGOs have been issued a warning by Italian authorities.
In April, an Italian prosecutor claimed humanitarian charities were "colluding" with people smugglers in Libya, alleging that phone calls were made between the two parties.
Italy has seen more than 500,000 migrants arrive by boat since 2014.
The closure of a land route north through the Balkans has added to the pressure.
A note on terminology: The BBC uses the term migrant to refer to all people on the move who have yet to complete the legal process of claiming asylum. This group includes people fleeing war-torn countries such as Syria, who are likely to be granted refugee status, as well as people who are seeking jobs and better lives, who governments are likely to rule are economic migrants.

Monday, June 26, 2017

What the first iPhone tells us about tech's future


NEW YORK — In my 
review of the first iPhone 10 years ago, I called it a "glitzy wunderkind" and a "prodigy." The thing about prodigies, no matter how gifted, is they often flame out. For all the hype that surrounded Apple’s prized new device, there was no guarantee in 2007 that it, too, wouldn’t burn out before it really took off.
The opposite happened, of course. Not only have more than 1 billion iPhones been sold, but, fueled by its enormous success, Apple became the biggest disrupter in tech for a time, and the most valuable company on the planet.
But what does a look back at that original iPhone and its successors suggest about what tech might look like 10 years from now, or, for that matter, which companies will be in front of the pack?
The iPhone famously put the Internet in our pockets — despite limits, the browser was the closest thing to the real-deal Internet that I’d seen on such a device. I expect we’ll all still carry these super-intelligent computers in our pockets well into the future.
But I also believe that many, if not most, of the sensor-driven products we’ll come to rely on will be so small, that they’ll be hidden inside walls, ceilings, furniture, maybe even our own bodies. It plays into the still evolving Internet of Things trend, and what technology watchers sometimes refer to as ambient computing.
Sounds far-fetched? Consider where we were a decade ago when the original iPhone surfaced. It’s hard to fathom now, but the idea that a smartphone would remove a physical dialing pad and Qwerty-style keyboard was remarkable.
Steve Jobs was making what was at the time an extraordinarily chancy wager. Nowadays, of course, smartphones with physical keyboards are the exception rather than the rule.
That Jobs’ bet paid off big time should serve as a lesson to the current and future leaders of tech. While those leaders shouldn’t make rash or reckless decisions, those who do prevail will likely have to take bold risks and alter the status quo.
We all experienced a bit of a learning curve adapting to the virtual keyboards that took the place of physical keys on that first iPhone, but most of us adapted soon enough. Before long, we marveled at how that these virtual keyboards morphed into something different depending on what we were doing on the phone. For example, the keyboard for browsing the Web differed from the one that showed inside the Mail app. It makes all the sense in the world now but it was novel in 2007.
We also learned back then to tap, flick and pinch. And gosh — we could make pictures and websites on the display expand and retract, just by spreading our fingers or pinching. Smart sensors made it so that if you rotated the iPhone sideways, photos and web pages automatically switched from portrait mode to landscape. All that was considered neat stuff; now we take such actions for granted.
The same goes for another fresh feature on the original iPhone: visual voicemail. You no longer had to listen to voice messages in the order in which they arrived. Instead, you could prioritize the messages you heard first — those from your spouse or boss, say.
Simple, practical.

From touch and pinch to talk

What will be the simple, practical features and solutions driving the next wave of innovation? One of those drivers already has a head start: voice.
In 2007, Siri was still about three years away from making its debut on the iPhone (initially as a standalone third-party app), and you couldn’t even use your voice to dial on Apple’s original handset. Eventually we started using our voices to communicate with powerful but still maturing AI-infused digital assistants like Alexa, Cortana, Google Assistant and yes, Siri — and have them talk back. As such assistants get even smarter, this increasingly routine behavior will become even more so.
Beyond the absence of voice on the first iPhone, there were other limitations. While Apple pointed out back then that the iPhone could be upgraded through software, the App Store itself had yet to be introduced, and you couldn’t even play what were then referred to as iPod games. No, there wasn’t an app for that, at least not yet.
Apps will continue to be important moving forward, but so much of the future for Apple will be intertwined with services like iTunes, Apple Music, Apple Pay and iCloud. And Apple has major plans for HomeKit, which via your iPhone (and other devices) will let you control door locks, lights, thermostats and other products throughout the home.
An increased reliance on augmented reality, through the recently announced ARKit for developers that is part of iOS 11, should lead to some entertaining, new gee-whizzy experiences.
The iPhone is now a mature product used for business purposes as much as for personal use. So its easy to forget that many companies took a cautious approach with Apple's new device. Many employers, including USA TODAY, didn’t trust the security in the phones enough to permit corporate email in the early days.
Battery life on the first device was so-so, and even given the vast improvements made over the decade since on the iPhone and on rival devices, you still hear frequent complaints today that phones run out of juice too soon and at the most inopportune times. The iPhone itself still lags rival devices in offering fast charging and wireless charging features. Expect that to change when the tenth anniversary iPhone turns up. Meanwhile, keep an eye out over the coming years as the industry continues to experiment with truly untethered power solutions.
The early iPhone also suffered from another issue folks still fret about today: spotty network coverage. Yes, network coverage has gotten a lot better through the years, but still it is not perfect. I can often predict on my morning commute when I’m likely to lose streaming audio for a brief spell. 
AT&T was the sole U.S. wireless carrier for the iPhone until 2011 when Verizon finally came out with a model. And AT&T’s Edge network back on the original device was so poky that we frequently felt as if we were falling off an Edge. Wi-Fi, where available, was the phone’s saving grace.
Consumers had to wait a year for the second-generation iPhone that was able to tap into what was then state of the art 3G networks. All the major wireless companies, and several smaller ones carry the iPhone nowadays, of course, and the talk moving forward is of blazing wireless 5G networks. Commercial mainstream viability is still some years away.
As a prodigy, the iPhone has more than lived up to most of its youthful promise. But there’s always some growing up to do.

Supreme Court reinstates Trump's travel ban in part


WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court agreed Monday to let President Trump's immigration travel ban go into effect for some travelers only, blocking the actions of lower federal courts that had put the controversial policy completely on hold.
The justices' action gives Trump a partial victory following a string of defeats from coast to coast. Some courts struck down the travel ban as a form of religious discrimination against Muslims. Others said it showed bias based on nationality and exceeded the president's authority without a firm national security justification.
It represents a setback for immigration rights and civil liberties groups that had bottled up two executive orders through legal action, exacerbating the president's battles with federal courts that began during the election campaign. 
The action isn't expected to set off the kind of chaos seen around the world when Trump signed the first travel ban into effect on Jan. 27. That's partly because travelers with a "credible claim of a bona fide relationship with a person or entity in the United States" will be allowed in.
The original travel ban, which went into effect immediately, barred all travelers from seven countries from entering the U.S. even if they had green cards, valid visas or refugee status. It led to at least 746 people temporarily detained at U.S. airports, some being deported back to their home countries, and untold numbers of others prevented from boarding their flights at airports overseas.
The revised travel ban, with the court's limitations, can go into effect this week, based on a memorandum recently signed by the president. It allows travelers with green cards and visas to continue entering the U.S., but still forbids all refugees. That means some refugees may get stuck, but nowhere near the number of people ensnared by the first ban.
The revised travel ban, issued in March, blocks most new immigrants from six predominantly Muslim countries for 90 days and all refugees for 120 days. As a result of the high court's action, the ban can be implemented along with a long-delayed review of vetting procedures used to screen foreigners trying to enter the United States.
The travel ban originally was proposed as a way to free resources for that review, but the two were separated by the most recent federal appeals court ruling that allowed only the review to go forward. That created the possibility that the review could be completed before the Supreme Court heard arguments in the travel ban case, rendering the dispute moot.
Since he signed the first executive order Jan. 27, Trump has pitched the travel ban as a temporary anti-terrorism policy needed to give the government time to review and improve screening procedures, both worldwide and for the particular countries in question: Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. 
Because visa and green card holders were included in the first ban, it immediately produced confusion and protests at U.S. airports. Within days, federal judges in New York and Boston intervened, and a third federal judge in Seattle issued a nationwide injunction in early February.
Trump unveiled a revised order in March that smoothed out some of the original ban's rougher edges. It called for a 90-day ban on travelers from six countries and 120 days for refugees, but it excluded visa and green card holders, deleted a section that gave preference to Christian minorities, and included a waiver process for those claiming undue hardship.
That order was blocked by a federal judge in Hawaii hours before it was to go into effect on March 16, as well as by another federal judge in Maryland. The Justice Department appealed both rulings, leading to similar slap-downs by federal appeals courts in Richmond May 25 and San Francisco June 12.
As it reached the Supreme Court, the travel ban had been struck down on both constitutional and statutory grounds. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit ruled 10-3 that it discriminated against Muslims by targeting only countries with overwhelmingly large Muslim majorities. But a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit ruled unanimously that the ban violated federal immigration law by targeting people from certain countries without improving national security.
Through all the defeats, Trump was forced to play on what amounts to his opponents' home turf: The 9th Circuit, based in San Francisco, is dominated by President Bill Clinton's nominees. The 4th Circuit, based in Richmond, is dominated by President Barack Obama's nominees. All 13 judges on those two courts who voted to strike down the revised travel ban were appointed by Democratic presidents.
By contrast, the Supreme Court includes five justices named by Republican presidents and four by Democrats. Chief Justice John Roberts is a strong proponent of executive authority, particularly in foreign affairs. Justice Samuel Alito has spent his entire career working for the government. Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in a 2015 immigration case that a "legitimate and bona fide" reason for denying entry to the United States can pass muster. Justice Neil Gorsuch is a stickler for the written text of statutes — and banning Muslims isn't mentioned in Trump's executive order. Justice Clarence Thomas is the most conservative of all.
Despite those advantages, Trump at times has been his own worst enemy. His presidential campaign speeches, official statements and tweets gave opponents of the ban fodder for their challenges -- from Trump's vow in 2015 to seek "a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States" to his lament this month that his lawyers should have pushed for a "much tougher version" rather than the "politically correct" order he signed in March.

Senate Health Bill Gets a Wary Reception, From Coast to Coast


The health care bill unveiled Thursday by Senate Republicans has been out in the open for less than a week, and there are many obstacles to clear before it can become law: an uncertain Senate vote, a return to the House for final approval, a presidential signature.
But in newspapers and on radios and TV stations from Anchorage to Miami, the effects of the bill are already being contemplated. These could vary considerably from region to region, state to state, even family to family. Thirty-one states expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, though the design of these programs are not the same, and the states that did not choose to expand would still be significantly affected. Clinics in Pennsylvania desperately need funding to battle the opioid epidemic; rural hospitals in Maine rely on Medicaid for survival; Nebraskans struggle to cover rising premiums; and Floridians fear the loss of money to fight the Zika virus.
Yet while context varies, the reception to the bill described in these local news reports is almost uniformly unhappy, a sentiment reflected in the polling numbers for the health care bill approved by House Republicans and in many of the interviews.
“All of them are supposed to be there for us,” said JoAnn Johnson, 80, in an article on the front page of Sunday’s Argus Leader in Sioux Falls, S.D., “and we are lost in this.”
Alabama: Longer Waits
The loss of federal money would require the Alabama Legislature to raise taxes to replace the lost funds, or reduce services. The Republican-controlled bodies have never shown any willingness to increase taxes. That would likely mean cuts to the program, which could extend waiting times for patients, even those with private insurance, and lead to closures of hospitals and primary care practices, particularly in rural areas that count on Medicaid. — Montgomery Advertiser
California: Undoing Medi-Cal Expansion
Now anyone in California can sign up for Medi-Cal if their annual income is low enough: $16,395 or less for a single person or $22,108 or less for a couple. Medi-Cal is free for participants.
The Senate bill recommends slowly undoing the Medi-Cal expansion starting in three years, which could ultimately leave 3.9 million Californians without insurance. — The Los Angeles Times
Pennsylvania: Cuts to Drug Programs
Eliminating the Medicaid expansion would impact drug and alcohol treatment. About 124,000 people covered by the expansion have accessed such treatment. The cut would be especially damaging given the opioid addiction crisis, which is presently killing 13 Pennsylvania residents per day, according to Jennifer Smith, the acting secretary of drug and programs. — Penn Live
South Dakota: ‘You Never Know What’s Going to Happen’
“You work so hard for years, taking care of yourself and whatever, but you never know what’s going to happen,” said [Sharon] Rueschhoff, who voted for President Donald Trump. “What happens when it comes to the worst and you’ve burned through it all? What are they going to do? Throw us in the gutter somewhere?” — Argus Leader
Nebraska: ‘It Was a Big Rip-Off’
One family said this will impact their household.
“My younger brother has autism and before Obamacare we’d tried to keep that a secret, that way it could not prevent us from health care.”
But others saying they just want a replacement for our current healthcare plan.
“We should really repeal Obamacare, it was a big rip off from the get-go,” James Leibhart said. — Nebraska.TV
Delaware: ‘People Will Die’
The effects of the Affordable Care Act rollback will be deadly, especially for those struggling with addiction, according to Delaware law enforcement and elected officials.
Treatment is already hard to come by in Delaware, even for those with insurance, but new health care proposals discussed earlier this week in the United States Senate indicate an even harder hit to those with chronic illness, addiction and mental health diagnoses.
“The bills under consideration by Congress are simply inhumane,” said Dr. Karyl Rattay, director of the state Division of Public Health. “People will die.” — Delawareonline.com
Alaska: Effects on the Poor
The Better Care Reconciliation Act would start cutting Medicaid by the year 2021 if passed. For Alaska, the effects could be enormous as 10.3% of the population is in poverty and 26.4% have no health insurance, according to “Talk poverty”. The Medicaid cut also includes disability services.
Paid Medicare coverage would be cut to 100 days of skilled nursing care. The population of Alaskans 65+ is expected to reach 110,000 people by 2021. — YourAlaskaLink.com
Montana: A Medicaid Gap
More than 79,000 Montanans are covered under expansion, which was previously estimated to largely vanish by 2024 under the House version of the bill. Health care analysts say the Senate version of the bill just pushes back this date and could result in even greater cuts to Medicaid over time, compared to the House version, by resetting the inflationary adjustment in 2026.
Medicaid represents 38 percent of federal funds coming into Montana. The state’s share of Medicaid cost makes up 10 percent of state spending. Previous estimates from the state Department of Health and Human Services show Montana would need an extra $251 million a year to maintain present coverage under reduced federal funding. — Missoulian
New Hampshire: Rising Costs
For families like hers with severely ill members, the Senate proposal has many things not to like - yet last week’s announcement of another health insurer exiting the Obamacare exchange market points to the rising costs many middle class families face getting coverage under that Affordable Care Act. — Union Leader
Michigan: Care for Women
Planned Parenthood has 19 health centers in Michigan. In fiscal 2015, the centers served 63,805 patients for services that includes breast exams, pap tests, prenatal visits, testing for pregnancy and sexually transmitted disease and providing birth control and abortion. — mLive.com
Maine: Cuts in Rural Areas
Rural Maine would be hit especially hard, as the outlying areas of the state are more reliant on Medicaid funding for health services. Rural hospitals would be under more financial stress if the Senate bill were to be approved. — PressHerald.com
Ohio: ‘What Are We Saying?’
She says if this bill passes, it will bring a tremendous burden on her family, not to mention other families supporting elderly loved ones and those who depend on government assistance.
“What are we saying to these people in this country? ‘You don’t matter.’ And I’m sorry, I think it’s sinful, I really do,” [Jeanetta] Russell said. — Cleveland19.com
Virginia: Calls to Slow Down
Virginia legislative budget leaders had a quick response to a new health care plan proposed by Republicans in the U.S. Senate — please don’t do what you just did.
The Republican co-chairmen of the Joint Subcommittee for Health and Human Resources Oversight said Thursday that the Senate’s current proposal “fails to address the inequities in the federal funding allocation between states” for the Medicaid program that Virginia has operated in partnership with the federal government for a half-century. — Richmond News
Ohio: Hidden Extra Costs
Senate Republicans say through their healthcare bill that they want states to take more responsibility for Medicaid, and their bill says it will give them that flexibility.
Yet the bill to dramatically alter Obamacare may actually tie the hands of Ohio in a little-noticed way, costing the state hundreds of millions a year. 

Sunday, June 25, 2017


HARTFORD, Conn. — Eight brutality lawsuits settled over the past 10 months paint a disturbing picture of a former Connecticut police officer accused of beating people while they were handcuffed and ordering his police dog to attack others who were not resisting arrest.
Among other allegations, former Enfield officer Matthew Worden is accused of punching people in the face when they were already subdued, smashing a man's face to the pavement causing him to lose two front teeth, using a stun gun multiple times on a man with a heart condition and striking a man in the groin with a baton, causing him to lose consciousness.
In a ninth case that is pending, Worden and other Enfield officers are accused of smashing Tyler Damato's head into asphalt and shooting him with a stun gun on Christmas Day 2012, aggravating a traumatic head injury he suffered two months before when he was hit by a car. Minutes before the encounter, the man's mother warned police about her son's head injury.
Damato died in February 2013 after a car accident. He was 20. The lawsuit by his mother blames Worden and the other officers for his death because of the injuries they caused.
Plaintiffs in the lawsuits said they did nothing to warrant Worden's use of force.
Worden worked for the Enfield Police Department from 2004 to 2014. He was fired after an internal affairs investigation of a beating, but town officials later changed the termination to a resignation to settle his labor grievance over the firing.
Worden, 35, now an emergency medical technician, declined to comment on the lawsuits.
His attorney, Elliot Spector, called Worden the type of officer that was respected in the past.
"They would take aggressive action," Spector said about police years ago. "In today's world of policing, you kind of have to step back and accept minor crimes and be tolerant. It's all about de-escalating and being kinder and gentler. He didn't fit into today's culture."
Worden did not admit any wrongdoing in the settlements. Spector called many allegations "manufactured" and said the cases were settled because it was cheaper than going to trial.
"These were all people who violated the law and acted in a way that required use of force," Spector added.
A lawyer for several of the victims, A. Paul Spinella, disputed Spector's characterization of Worden.
"You have a police officer who was completely and totally out of control," Spinella said. "This officer and his group ran rampant through this town year after year after year."
Asked about Worden and the lawsuits, Enfield Police Chief Carl Sferrazza would only say, "It is what it is."
Town officials have refused to release any information about the settlements including payouts, which has sparked a legal fight involving public records laws.
Town officials rejected a request by the American Civil Liberties Union of Connecticut to release some settlement information. Officials said the town's insurer settled the cases and keeps the records, arguing those records are not public documents. But the town council had approved the settlements.
The state Freedom of Information Commission rejected the town's arguments and ordered officials earlier this month to release the records to the ACLU. The town's attorney is expected to appeal that order to Superior Court.
In most publicized case against Worden, a police cruiser dashboard camera recorded Worden punching Mark Maher in the face as other officers had him pinned to the ground in 2014. Police said they were investigating possible illegal drug and alcohol use at a boat launch, while Maher said he was just smoking a cigarette with friends.
Maher was charged with interfering with police, but the charge was later dropped. His booking photo shows him with a serious injury to his right eye area, and he says he now has a permanent scar.
"He punched me quite a few times," Maher said. "He's just somebody who has a very short temper and can't control themselves, somebody who shouldn't have a badge and call himself an officer of the law."
Enfield police prepared a warrant to charge Worden with misdemeanor assault and fabricating evidence in the Worden case. But Hartford State's Attorney Gail Hardy rejected it, saying Worden didn't commit any crime.

Eyewitness to injustice: How mistakes put a KC doppelganger in prison for 17 years


KANSAS CITY, Mo. – A photo of Richard Anthony Jones was the 202nd needle in a haystack of mug shots of black men named Richard or Rick.
In 1999, a self-described crackhead pointed at that photo and fingered Jones as the perpetrator of a robbery three months earlier, setting in motion what would become a 17-year nightmare for Jones – and a textbook example of the now well known dangerous unreliability of eyewitness testimony and flawed police photo lineups.
"Since that questionable identification, the police never looked at another suspect," attorneys for Jones said in court documents. "Mr. Jones was the victim of an unnecessarily suggestive police lineup, which is what the other witnesses identified him from."
The victim of the robbery, who along with others identified Jones as the suspect, calls the situation tragic. But for criminal justice experts, it's hardly surprising.
Eyewitness identification is the leading cause of wrongful convictions. Nationwide, of more than 300 wrongful convictions later overturned by DNA evidence, mistaken eyewitness identification played a role in about 71 percent of the cases, according to the Innocence Project.
More police departments around the country began reforming their procedures around eyewitness identifications in the last decade as the research surrounding criminal eyewitnesses has become accepted, proven science.
No less an august organization than the National Academy of Sciences has studied the eyewitness identification issue, and in a 2014 report, it raised concerns about how photo lineups are presented to witnesses.
"Research has consistently shown that the accuracy of these lineups can be skewed or influenced based on how lineups are presented, the type of presentation, how similar the suspect and non-suspects look in the lineup, where the suspect is placed in the presentation, nature of the instructions and any feedback given to the eyewitnesses before or after the identification," according to the report.
Continuing concerns about eyewitness reliability prompted the Kansas Legislature last year to require police departments to adopt protocols for conducting witness lineups. A Missouri lawmaker has pushed reforms but to no avail.
The number of states adopting statewide standards now numbers 19, many of them joining the list since the National Academy of Sciences study, said Michelle Feldman, legislative strategist for the Innocence Project in New York.
"The science is settled," she said.
Dozens of exoneration cases are featured on an Innocence Project website dedicated to Eyewitness Identification Reform.
Among them was a case decided just last month in Indiana. William Barnhouse was exonerated by DNA testing after serving 25 years in prison for rape. The victim in that case had identified Barnhouse as her attacker.
In Missouri, every case involving a DNA exoneration was based on eyewitness identification, according to the Innocence Project.
One exoneration came in 2013 when another Kansas City man was released from prison after DNA testing proved that someone else committed the rape he was convicted of committing.
Robert E. Nelson was charged after the rape victim "tentatively" identified him in a video lineup. She later testified that she was positive after hearing his voice and seeing him in person.
In Kansas, the state's first DNA exoneration case came in 1992 when Joe C. Jones was released from prison after serving seven years in prison for the rape of a woman in Topeka.
The victim and two other witnesses had identified Jones as the attacker.
Even in states that have yet to legislate reform, law enforcement agencies are establishing reform policies, defense attorneys have more ammunition when eyewitness testimony is weak and judges are throwing out bad identifications, Feldman said.
"They're sending the message to law enforcement that they have to follow these practices," she said. "It's in the water."
The enlightenment and subsequent reforms came years too late for Richard Jones, now 41. He lost the opportunity to watch his children grow up.
"When it comes to my kids, it's been a rough ride," Jones told the Kansas City Star.
Jones spent Memorial Day 1999 in Kansas City, celebrating the holiday and his girlfriend's birthday with family and friends.
Across the state line in Kansas City, Kan., three admitted crack cocaine users were driving around short of money and looking to get more drugs.
Near a known crack house, they picked up a man named "Rick" who had them drive him to a Walmart in Roeland Park. There, Rick tried to steal a woman's purse, but she fought back, and he escaped with only her cellphone.
Just over four months later, police arrived at Jones' door and arrested him.
Despite the absence of physical evidence and an alibi backed up by several witnesses, a Johnson County jury found Jones guilty of the crime.
Only the testimony of eyewitnesses who identified Jones as the robber put him in prison.
And it was only through the dogged persistence of Jones and his attorneys that the testimony of those witnesses was found to be woefully flawed.
Two weeks ago, a Johnson County judge vacated Jones' conviction, and on June 12, prosecutors said they were dismissing the case.
His freedom came after his attorneys found another man who bore an uncanny resemblance to Jones who his attorneys alleged was the actual perpetrator. That man was never part of the initial investigation, but he lived near where the robber was seen on the day of the robbery.
And when witnesses who initially identified Jones saw a picture of the other man, they said they could no longer say who committed the crime.
Although the ruling stopped short of finding Jones innocent, District Judge Kevin Moriarty said that based on the new evidence, no reasonable juror would find Jones guilty.
The criminal justice system has recognized for years that eyewitness testimony is notoriously unreliable.
"This court has long recognized that eyewitness identifications' unique confluence of features – their unreliability, susceptibility to suggestion, powerful impact on the jury, and resistance to the ordinary tests of the adversarial process – can undermine the fairness of a trial," U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in a 2012 case.
After the 1999 robbery, investigators quickly traced the getaway car back to three people who told them they had been smoking crack cocaine that day and picked up a man they knew only as Rick or Ricky. It was Rick who committed the robbery, they said.
The victim and witnesses described the robber as a Hispanic or light-skinned black man with a goatee or with his hair pulled back from his face.
Police investigators gathered a series of mug shots of black males with the name of Rick or Richard. The driver of the getaway car was brought in to look at the photos almost three months after the robbery.
When he came to picture No. 202, he told police that it was the Rick who committed the robbery. It was a picture of Richard Jones, whose mug shot was in the system from a previous arrest.
Police then created a lineup using that photo of Jones and photographs of five other black males.
But according to Jones' lawyers, he was the only light-skinned man in the lineup.
"This photo line-up is severely flawed," his attorneys argued court documents. "Richard Jones is the only one who comes close to the description of the suspect."
The judge who ordered Jones' release said in his ruling that although the original photo lineup was no longer available and the photocopy presented as evidence was of poor quality, it appeared that Jones was the only light-skinned man in the lineup.
A detective took that six-picture lineup to a Kansas prison where one of the other men in the car on the day of the robbery was incarcerated. That man identified Jones as Rick.
Nearly five months after the robbery, that photo lineup was shown to a Walmart security officer who had witnessed the robbery. He too picked the picture of Jones.
Jones' attorneys noted in their court filings that the security officer had previously misidentified someone else as having been the driver of the getaway car.
The victim in the robbery, Tamara Scherer, told police in her initial statement after the robbery that she had not focused on the robber's face and did not think she would be able to identify him.
But at the preliminary hearing for Jones almost a year after the crime, she identified him in court as the man who robbed her.
"Completely certain, without a doubt," she testified.
At Jones' trial, Scherer and the security guard once again identified him. But the two men who had initially picked his photo out of the lineup were unable to identify Jones as Rick.
Jones was convicted, and because force was used in the robbery and he had prior felony convictions, he was sentenced to 19 years in prison.
Scherer regrets that she set aside her uncertainty in identifying Jones. The detectives and prosecutors had assured her they had the right man and that there were other eyewitnesses. She was adamant in her court testimony under cross-examination that Jones was the man who had robbed her.
"I don't know where the finger-pointing should go," she said, looking back. "It was a calamity of small things that lined up the wrong way."
The result, she said, was "tragic."
The circumstances of the Jones case were extraordinary and unlike any that Johnson County District Attorney Steve Howe said he'd encountered in nearly three decades in criminal justice.
It was the presence of a lookalike to Jones also named Rick that led to the dropped charges, not the conduct of law enforcement, Howe said.
Prosecutors and investigators have long been aware of the hazards in developing eyewitness testimony, he said.
"We go out of our way to make sure we are not planting our view into their (the witnesses') minds," he said. "Our job is to see justice done."
Jurors heard family members support Jones' alibi – that he was with family that day – but jurors were more inclined to assume they were lying than discredit the eyewitness identifications of Jones, said Tricia Bushnell, executive director of the Midwest Innocence Project.
"We hold up eyewitness identification so highly," she said, " ... (yet) it is the leading cause of wrong convictions."
In an interview with The Star after his release, Jones said that after years of fighting to clear his name, when the other man who looked like him was found, "everybody started scrambling.
"When I saw that picture, it just made sense to me," he said of how people could have mistaken them.
Former prisoners who are found to be wrongfully convicted have later gone to court and sued for damages.
Jones is currently considering such action, Bushnell said, but no decision has been made.
Former Missouri state Sen. Joe Keaveny, a St. Louis Democrat, was alarmed by studies on the unreliability of eyewitnesses and attempted, unsuccessfully, to get similar legislation passed in Missouri.
Law enforcement departments mostly opposed it, he said. Most often, they said they wanted autonomy to control their eyewitness testimony procedures and that they were using best practices.
Lawmakers balked, he said, "because no one wants to look soft on crime."
"But my feeling," Keaveny said, "is we need to find a way to alleviate mistaken eyewitnesses." The more research that is done, he said, "the more unreliable you're going to see it be."
Officers from Roeland Park and the Johnson County Sheriff's Office investigated the Jones case. They asked Kansas City, Kan., police to gather the photographs later shown to witnesses, according to the defense's court documents.
John Cowles, now an attorney in private practice, was the assistant district attorney who prosecuted Jones.
He said he had only a vague memory of the case, according to a written affidavit he provided to Jones' lawyers.
But in reviewing the defense information, he noted that the state's case exclusively relied on eyewitness identification testimony from people who did not previously know Jones.
"In my experience this is important because eyewitness identification becomes more questionable when the witness has not previously known the suspect," he wrote. "Having multiple identifications from several witnesses helps strengthen the state's case, but does not completely remove the concern about stranger identification."
Cowles said it was rare for him to prosecute a case based on eyewitness identification alone.
"Any prosecutor would want at least some corroborating evidence independent from eyewitness testimony," he said.
He said that viewing the evidence obtained by Jones' lawyers, including the photograph of the other man, "has undermined whatever confidence I had at the time that trial of Richard Jones resulted in a just result."
"The guiding principle of all prosecutors should be to achieve a just result, not just to win a case," Cowles wrote.
He was not available for additional comment Friday.
Roeland Park police have adopted a detailed protocol in line with the 2016 change in Kansas law.
For example, the department now shows lineup photos sequentially instead of in an array, as was done in Jones' case. Memory experts say witnesses who see photos one at a time compare each photo to their memory. In an array, the witness compares the photos with each other and is more likely to pick the person who looks most like the suspect, not necessarily the actual suspect.
"We try to get everything required so there are no mistakes," said Roeland Park Police Chief John Morris. "To us, doing a good job means getting it done right the first time; making a mistake is not an option."
A spokesman for the sheriff's office said that every effort is made to make lineups as fair and nonsuggestive as possible. Investigators also are careful to not do anything to prompt a witness or suggest that they are required to make an identification.
"We understand that they have been through a traumatic situation," said Maj. Mike Pfannenstiel. "If you can't definitely make an identification, then please don't."